destabilize and subvert

[Richard Fiero]

Vineland page 212
  " . . . as if the Beast opposite the city were a coming 
attraction he had grown overfamiliar with.

"What he seemed to want was to talk business. He had drafted, 
sent up, and was about to have authorized a plan to destabilize 
and subvert PR3 with funding from one of the DOJ discretionary 
lines. "It's a laboratory setup," Brock argued, "a Marxist 
ministate, product of mass uprising, we don't want it there and 
we also don't want to invade--how then to proceed?" His idea 
was to make enough money available to set them all fighting 
over who'd get it. It would also, as Brock pitched it, have 
value as a scale model, to find out how. much bringing down a 
whole country might cost.

"She lay with her hair all messed up, lipstick smeared, arms 
and legs in a loose sprawl, nipples erect and, to the 
infrared-sensitive eye, glowing steadily .. . "
===========

When Allende was brought down by a vicious military coup led by 
General Pinochet on September 11, 1973, Kissinger testified 
later before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that "the 
intent of the United States was not to destabilize or to 
subvert [Allende] but to keep in being [opposition] political 
parties." Kissinger also testified that Washington was 
maintaining a "neutral" policy toward the incoming junta. In 
reality, within forty-eight hours of the coup, a cable went to 
the embassy with this secret message for Pinochet: "The USG 
wishes [to] make clear its desire to cooperate with the 
military junta and to assist in any appropriate way."

In September 14, 1970, a deputy to then National Security 
Adviser Henry Kissinger wrote him a memo, classified SECRET / 
SENSITIVE, arguing against covert operations to block the duly 
elected Chilean socialist Salvador Allende from assuming the 
presidency. "What we propose is patently a violation of our own 
principles and policy tenets," noted Viron Vaky. "If these 
principles have any meaning, we normally depart from them only 
to meet the gravest threat to us., e.g. to our survival. Is 
Allende a mortal threat to the U.S.?" Vaky asked. "It is hard to argue this."

In a letter to the London Times of 3 August 1978, Frederich von 
Hayek wrote. "More recently I have not been able to find a 
single person even in much maligned Chile who did not agree 
that personal freedom was much greater under Pinochet than it 
had been under Allende."