ATDTDA 724-747 Italy

[Glenn Scheper]

Part 9 of 9.

By the beginning of February the agitation had spread all over Italy, and the 
government was faced by the possibility of a strike which would paralyse the 
whole economic life of the country. Then the Turin gas men struck, and a general 
sympathy strike broke out in that city in consequence, which resulted in scenes 
of violence, lasting two days. The government called out all the railwaymen who 
were army reservists, but continued to keep them at their railway work, 
exercising military discipline over them and thus ensuring the continuance of 
the service. At the same time it mediated between the companies and the 
employees, and in June a settlement was formally concluded between the ministers 
of public works and of the treasury and the directors of the companies 
concerning the grievances of the employees.

One consequence of the agrarian agitations was the increased use of machinery 
and the reduction in the number of hands employed, which if it proved 
advantageous to the landlord and to the few laborers retained, who received 
higher wages, resulted in an increase of unemployment. The Socialist party, 
which had grown powerful under a series of weak-kneed administrations, now began 
to show signs of division; on the one hand there was the revolutionary wing, led 
by Signor Enrico Fern, the Mantuan deputy, which advocated a policy of 
uncompromising class warfare, and on the other the riformisti, or moderate 
Socialists, led by Signor Filippo Turati, deputy for Milan, who adopted a more 
conciliatory attitude and were ready to ally themselves with other parliamentary 
parties. Later the division took another aspect, the extreme wing being 
constituted by the sindacalisti, who were opposed to all legislative 
parliamentary action and favored only direct revolutionary propaganda by means 
of the sindacati or unions which organized strikes and demonstrations.

The year 1903, although not free from strikes and minor disturbances, was 
quieter, but in September 1904 a very serious situation was brought about by a 
general economic ~ and political agitation. The troubles began with the 1904. 
disturbances at Buggeru in Sardinia and Castelluzzo in Sicily, in both of which 
places the troops were compelled to use their arms and several persons were 
killed and wounded; at a demonstration at Sestri Ponente in Liguria to protest 
against what was called the Buggeru massacre, four carabineers and eleven 
rioters were injured.

The Monza labor exchange then took the initiative of proclaiming a general 
strike throughout Italy (September 15th) as a protest against the government for 
daring to maintain order. The strike spread to nearly all the industrial 
centres, although in many places it was limited to a few trades. At Milan it was 
more serious and lasted longer than elsewhere, as the movement was controlled by 
the anarchists under Arturo Labriola; the hooligans committed many acts of 
savage violence, especially against those workmen who refused to strike, and 
much property was wilfully destroyed. At Genoa, which was in the hands of the 
teppisti for a couple of days, three persons were killed and 50 wounded, 
including 14 policemen, and railway communications were interrupted for a short 
time. Venice was cut off from the mainland for two days and all the public 
services were suspended. Riots broke out also in Naples, Florence, Rome and 
Bologna.

The deputies of the Extreme Left, instead of using their influence in favor of 
pacification, could think of nothing better than to demand an immediate 
convocation of parliament in order that they might present a bill forbidding the 
troops and police to use their arms in all conflicts between capital and labor, 
whatever the provocation might be. This preposterous proposal was of course not 
even discussed, and the movement caused a strong feeling of reaction against 
Socialism and of hostility to the government for its weakness; for, however much 
sympathy there might be with the genuine grievances of the working classes, the 
September strikes were of a frankly revolutionary character and had been 
fomented by professional agitators and kept going by the dregs of the people. 
The mayor of Venice sent a firm and dignified protest to the government for its 
inaction, and the people of Liguria raised a large subscription in favor of the 
troops, in recognition of their gallantry and admirable discipline during the 
troubles.

Early in 1905 there was a fresh agitation among the railway servants, who were 
dissatisfied with the clauses concerning the personnel in the bill for the 
purchase of the lines Unrest of. .. -

1905 by the state. They initiated a system of obstruction which hampered and 
delayed the traffic without alto gether suspending it. On the 17th of April a 
general railway strike was ordered by the union, but owing to the action of the 
authorities, who for once showed energy, the traffic was carried on, Other 
disturbances of a serious character occurred among the steelworkers of Terni, at 
Grammichele in Sicily and at Alessandria. The extreme parties now began to 
direct especial attention to propaganda in the army, with a view to destroying 
its cohesion and thus paralysing the action of the government.

The campaign was conducted on the lines of the anti-militarist movement in 
France identified with the name of Herv. Fortifnately, however, this policy was 
not successful, as military service is less unpopular in Italy than in many 
other countries; aggressive militarism is quite unknown, and without it 
anti-militarism can gain no foothold. No serious mutinies have ever occurred in 
the Italian army, and the only results of the propaganda were occasional 
meetings of hoohgans, where Hervist sentiments were expressed and applauded, and 
a few minor disturbances among reservists unexpectedly called back to the 
colors. In the army itself the esprit de corps and the sense of duty and 
discipline nullified the work of the propagandists.

In October 1907 there was again a general strike at Milan, which was rendered 
more serious on account of the action of the railway servants, and extended to 
other cities; traffic was disorganized over a large part of northern Italy, 
until the government, being now owner of the railways, dismissed the ringleaders 
from the service. This had the desired effect, and although the Sindacato dci 
ferrovieri (railway servants union) threatened a general railway strike if the 
dismissed men were not reinstated, there was no further trouble.

The Triple Alliance was maintained and renewed as far as paper documents were 
concerned (in June 1902 it was reconfirmed for 12 years), but public opinion was 
no longer so favorably disposed towards it. Austrias petty persecutions of her 
Italian subjects in the irredente provinces, her active propaganda incompatible 
with Italian interests in the Balkans, and the antiItalian war talk of Austrian 
military circles, imperilled the relations of the two allies; it was remarked, 
indeed, that the object of the alliance between Austria and Italy was to prevent 
war between them. Austria had persistently adopted a policy of pin-pricks and 
aggravating police provocation towards the Italians of the Adriatic Littoral and 
of the Trentino, while encouraging the Slavonic element in the former and the 
Germans in the latter. One of the causes of ill-feeling was the university 
question; the Austrian government had persistently refused to create an Italian 
university for its Italian subjects, fearing lest it should become a hotbed of 
irredentism, the Italianspeaking students being thus obliged to attend the 
GermanAustrian universities.

An attempt at compromise resulted in the institution of an Italian law faculty 
at Innsbruck, but this aroused the violent hostility of the German students and 
populace, who gave proof of their superior civilization by an unprovoked attack 
on the Italians in October 1902. Further acts of violence were committed by the 
Germans in 1903, which led to antiAustrian demonstrations in Italy. The worst 
tumults occurred in November 1904, when Italian students and professors were 
attacked at Innsbruck without provocation; being outnumbered by a hundred to one 
the Italians were forced to use their revolvers in self-defence, and several 
persons were wounded on both sides. Anti-Italian demonstrations occurred 
periodically also at Vienna, while in Dalmatia and Croatia Italian fishermen and 
workmen (Italian citizens, not natives) were subject to attacks by gangs of 
half-savage Croats, which led to frequent diplomatic incidents.

A further cause of resentment was Austrias attitude towards the Vatican, 
inspired by the strong clerical tendencies of the imperial family, and indeed of 
a large section of the Austrian people. But the most serious point at issue was 
the Balkan question. Italian public opinion could not view without serious 
misgivings the active political propaganda which Austria was conducting in 
Albania. The two governments frequently discussed the situation, but although 
they had agreed to a selfdenying ordinance whereby each bound itself not to 
occupy any part of Albanian territory, Austrias declarations and promises were 
hardly borne out by the activity of her agents in the Balkans. Italy, therefore, 
instituted a counter-propaganda by means of schools and commercial agencies. The 
Macedonian troubles of 1903 again brought Austria and Italy into conflict.

Yours truly,
Glenn Scheper
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