Ratfucker
robinlandseadel at comcast.net
robinlandseadel at comcast.net
Tue Aug 14 15:18:55 CDT 2007
Nick Lowe: "Time wounds all heels."
"The Exact Degree of Fictitiousness":
Thomas Pynchon's Against the Day
Bernard Duyfhuizen
In a novel so devoted to anarchist activities, the reader
might also expect to encounter the Tristero, the
underground postal system from The Crying of Lot 49.
If it is here, it too is undercover, operating on some of
the mail that finds its recipients even at times when the
normal channels seem to be down. The spat between
Ewball Oust and his stamp-collecting father may also
suggest the Tristero's presence in Against the Day:
It seemed that young Ewball had been using postage stamps from the
1901 Pan-American Issue, commemorating the Exposition of that name
in Buffalo, New York, where the anarchist Czolgosz had assassinated
President McKinley. These stamps bore engraved vignettes of the latest
in modern transportation, trains, boats, and so forth, and by mistake,
some of the one-cent, two-cent, and four-cent denominations had been
printed with these center designs upside down. One thousand Fast Lake
Navigation, 158 Fast Express, and 206 Automobile inverts had been
sold before the errors were caught, and before stamp-collector demand
had driven their prices quite through the roof[.] Ewball, sensitive to
the Anarchistic symbolism, had bought up and hoarded as many as he
could find to mail his letters with. (978)
http://www3.iath.virginia.edu/pmc/current.issue/17.2duyfhuizen.html
Nick Lowe: 1/2 a boy and 1/2 a man
We'll go no more a-Rove-ing
Sidney Blumenthal
Rove promoted the Bush campaign for president in 2000
as a national extension of his realignment of Texas politics.
He cast Bush as William McKinley and by inference himself
as the political boss Mark Hanna. Rove's historical analogy
was either the autodidact's self-inflated misreading of history
or a shrewd manipulation of a gullible and careerist press
corps, or both. Whatever Rove's pretension, Bush lost the
2000 election, unlike McKinley in 1896, which was a major
victory of the Republican Party. There was no parallel except
in the name of the party: One election marked a genuine
realignment of Republican support, firmly consolidating its
uncertain majority since the Civil War. The other was a gift
handed to the loser of the popular majority in a decision
not so contrived since Dred Scott. George W. Bush is less
William McKinley than Rutherford B. Hayes
http://www.salon.com/opinion/blumenthal/2007/08/13/karl_rove/
"The Exact Degree of Fictitiousness":
These "center inverted" stamps ("inverse rarities" to recall
one of the readings of Pierce Inverarity's name) turn out
to be real (the four-cent invert is even considered by
some philatelists to have been made deliberately rather
than by mistake).
In typical Pynchon fashion, however, the passage
resonates with the text's overall theme of anarchism,
especially the anarchism stemming from United States
economic policy in the 1890s. McKinley was a key player
in establishing the gold standard in United States monetary
policy of the 1890s, specifically the repeal of the Silver Act
in 1893. Much of the trouble in the Colorado mining
industry, which helps propel Webb Traverse into his
dynamiting ways, was the result of the Repeal and the
subsequent devaluing of silver mining interests.
Additionally, the Pan-American Exposition, a follow-up
to the 1893 Columbian Exposition in Chicago that
figures so prominently in the opening section of the
novel, was powered by Nikola Tesla's invention of
mechanisms for the long distance transmission of
alternating current from generators at Niagara Falls.
Ironically, the medical facilities at the Fair, where
McKinley was taken, did not have electricity, and
apparently no one thought to use the newly invented
x-ray machine on display at the Fair to look for the
assassin's bullet. Of course, in a Pynchon novel, such
connected allusions prompt, more often than not,
thoughts of nefarious conspiracies to manipulate
the transmission of "political" power.
http://www3.iath.virginia.edu/pmc/current.issue/17.2duyfhuizen.html
>From the p-list archives, Richard Romeo passing along:
August 15, 2006
Guest Columnist
A Distant Mirror By THOMAS FRANK
Matthew Josephson was a man of the left, but "The Politicos" is not a
reassuring tale of liberal triumph. The figure who towers over this
dialectic of graft as it roars to its consummation is the greatest of
19th-century political commanders, the industrialist Mark Hanna, who managed
the 1896 presidential campaign of William McKinley. Hanna was famously
quoted as saying openly what his contemporaries would say only privately:
that we were ruled by "a business state," and that "all questions of
government in a democracy were questions of money."
When confronted by a groundswell for the earnest reformer William Jennings
Bryan, Hanna used every weapon available to make an example of the upstart.
While his lieutenants portrayed Bryan as an anarchist, Hanna enlisted the
financial support of industry for McKinley, going so far as to levy an
assessment on the capital of large corporations. He may not have rewarded
his supporters with honorifics like "Pioneer" and "Ranger," as did his
modern disciple Karl Rove, but by the end of the contest Hanna had outspent
Bryan by 10 to 1, much of it on "floaters" compensated for their votes.
Hanna's methods were corrupt, yes. "But his corruption was rational,"
Josephson tells us. "It flowed from the very nature of our society and its
laws."
http://tinyurl.com/2kwl29
Hanna, Mark (1837-1904)
979; his "miserable stooge" President McKinley; Marcus Alonzo
Hanna, best known as Mark Hanna, was an industrialist and
Republican politician from Cleveland, Ohio. He rose to fame
as the campaign manager of the successful Republican
Presidential candidate William McKinley in the U.S. Presidential
election of 1896, in what is considered the forerunner of the
modern political campaign, and subsequently became one of
the most powerful members of the U.S. Senate.
http://against-the-day.pynchonwiki.com/wiki/index.php?title=H
From People's Weekly World:
A history lesson for Karl Rove
Karl Rove, Bushs chief propagandist, likes to think of himself
as a new Mark Hanna. Who was Mark Hanna, and is Rove right?
Karl Marx once wrote that the U.S. represented a pure form
of capitalism, without the feudal hangovers that would hinder
class development. Mark Hanna was an example of the pure
form of capitalism. Hanna, a prominent Cleveland industrialist,
became involved in politics to protect his interests and those
of his class. And he did so by organizing first the Ohio and then
the national Republican Party as a political machine, selling
candidates the way the newly emerging giant businesses sold
beer or soap.
In 1896, Hanna managed the presidential campaign of his protégé
William McKinley against William Jennings Bryan, the candidate
of debt-ridden farmers, who used left-wing evangelical rhetoric to
appeal to the poor (typified by Bryans speech at the Democratic
convention that year, which included the famous lines: You shall
not impress upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns. You shall
not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.)
http://www.pww.org/article/view/6216/1/243/
Somehow the Mark Hannah/Karl Rove parallels [and who is Foley Walker anyway?]
point me towards Jesus Arrabal's "Anarchist Miracle" in The Crying of Lot 49.
In an all-night Mexican greasy spoon off 24th, she found a piece of
her past, in the form of one Jesus Arrabal, who was sitting in a
corner under the TV set, idly stirring his bowl of opaque soup with
the foot of a chicken. "Hey," he greeted Oedipa, "you were the lady
in Mazatlan." He beckoned her to sit.
"You remember everything," Oedipa said, "Jesus; even tourists.
How is your CIA?" Standing not for the agency you think, but for
a clandestine Mexican outfit known as the Conjuration de los
Insurgentes Anarquis-tas, traceable back to the time of the
Flores Mag6n brothers and later briefly allied with Zapata.
"You see. In exile," waving his arm around at the place. He was
part-owner here with a yucateco who still believed in the
Revolution. Their Revolution. "And you. Are you still with that
gringo who spent too much money on you? The oligarchist,
the miracle?" "He died."
"Ah, pobrecito." They had met Jesus Arrabal on the beach, where
he had previously announced an anti-government rally. Nobody
had showed up. So he fell to talking to Inverarity, the enemy he
must, to be true to his faith, learn. Pierce, because of his neutral
manners when in the presence of ill-will, had nothing to tell
Arrabal; he played the rich, obnoxious gringo so perfectly that
Oedipa had seen gooseflesh come up along the anarchist's
forearms, due to no Pacific sea-breeze. Soon as Pierce went off
to sport in the surf, Arrabal asked her if he was real, or a spy, or
making fun of him. Oedipa didn't understand.
"You know what a miracle is. Not what Bakunin said. But another
world's intrusion into this one. Most of the time we coexist
peacefully, but when we do touch there's cataclysm. Like
the church we hate, anarchists also believe in another world.
Where revolutions break out spontaneous and leaderless,
and the soul's talent for consensus allows the masses to
work together without effort, automatic as the body itself. And
yet, sena, if any of it should ever really happen that
perfectly, I would also have to cry miracle. An anarchist miracle.
Like your friend. He is too exactly and without flaw the thing we
fight. In Mexico the privilegiado is always, to a finite percentage,
redeemed one of the people. Unmiraculous. But your friend,
unless he's joking, is as terrifying to me as a Virgin appearing
to an Indian."
In the years intervening Oedipa had remembered Jesus because
he'd seen that about Pierce and she hadn't. As if he were, in some
unsexual way, competition. Now, drinking thick lukewarm coffee from
a clay pot on the back burner of the yucateco's stove and listening
to Jesus talk conspiracy, she wondered if, without the miracle of
Pierce to reassure him, Jesus might not have quit his CIA eventually
and gone over like everybody else to the majority priistas, and so
never had to go into exile.
The dead man, like Maxwell's Demon, was the linking feature in a
coincidence. Without him neither she nor Jesus would be exactly
here, exactly now. It was enough, a coded warning. What, tonight,
was chance? So her eyes did fall presently onto an ancient rolled
copy of the anarcho-syndicalist paper Regeneracidn. The date was
1904 and there was no stamp next to the cancellation, only the
handstruck image of the post horn.
"They arrive," said Arrabal. "Have they been in the mails that long?
Has my name been substituted for that of a member who's died?
Has it really taken sixty years? Is it a reprint? Idle questions, I
am a footsoldier. The higher levels have their reasons." She
carried this thought back out into the night with her.
Col 49, 96---98
The Absurdist Heroine:
A Wildean Critique of Pynchon's Uncertain Aesthetic
By James R. Wallen
The encounter is with Jesus Arrabal, an anarchist Oedipa
met with Pierce in Mexico. Jesus represents the subtlest
and most seductive of the dangers threatening Oedipas
Quest: like Oedipa, Jesus projects a We-system against a
They-system. Jesus, however, sustains his We-system
through a belief in miracles that keeps him a footsoldier
who still believes the higher levels have their reasons.
Talking with him, Oedipa wonders whether Jesuss
unwavering faith in an anarchist miracle would still exist
without the miracle of Pierce to reassure him. Oedipa
knew Pierce (at least partly) to be simply play[ing] the
rich, obnoxious gringo, but to Jesus the manifestation
of this oligarchist, the miracle represented an absolute
confirmation of his beliefs (much like meeting Satan would
confirm a persons belief in God). To preserve the resiliency
that allows her to bounce unharmed between binaries,
Oedipa will later have to reject such a revelatory miracle
that would have tied her irreversibly to ones and zeroes.
http://www.themodernword.com/pynchon/papers_wallen.html
Rove's saga is a rags-to-riches success story of a political
serial killer. His first involvement in a political campaign was
to conduct a dirty trick against a candidate running for Illinois
state treasurer. After Rove dropped out of the University of
Utah, his promise was recognized and he was appointed
executive director of the College Republicans. Donald
Segretti, ringmaster for the Committee to Reelect the President
of a gang of dirty tricksters engaged in what he called "ratfucking,"
recruited Rove. Rove conducted one session training young
Republicans to sift through the garbage of opponents. In the
Watergate scandal, Segretti was sentenced to prison for forging
campaign literature. The FBI questioned Rove, but dropped its
investigation of the small fry. Yet he would become the greatest
rat fucker of them all. The new chairman of the Republican
National Committee, George H.W. Bush, named Rove chairman
of the College Republicans and, even more fortuitously, appointed
him as a handler of his obstreperous older son. It was love at first
sight, at least from the nerdy Rove's point of view. "Huge amounts
of charisma, swagger, cowboy boots, flight jacket, wonderful smile,
just charisma -- you know, wow," he said later.
http://www.salon.com/opinion/blumenthal/2007/08/13/karl_rove/
If "Flagg" is Gonzales, perhaps "Foley" is Rove. With a minor adjustment or two.
P.S. "The Zombies" are pretty good stand in-s for the Paranoids.
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